Tuesday, 21 May 2019
The paper concerns manuscripts transmitting catenae on the Gospel according to Luke. In particular, the paper reflects on how the study of the structure of catenae on Luke based on the selection and arrangement of excerpts culled from earlier sources as well as of other paratextual features could provide both a means of grouping known manuscripts and a shortcut of identifying further copies. In this respect, features such as the way in which lemmata are indicated and connected to the comments, the manner in which the text under consideration was divided for comment, the indication of the source of each extract in the exposition, the sequence of excerpts themselves within the commentary on each verse, the presence of titles or lectionary markings may offer means of organising catenae manuscripts on Luke into groups. The examination of such features as well as the study of selected test passages may help us establish how catenae manuscripts on Luke relate to each other.
In his De natura hominis, Nemesius stated a few vaguely contradictory concepts about the intellective faculties (discursive thought, memory and speech) of the human soul and about the body-soul relationship in the present life and in respect of potential immortality. In his attempt to stay faithful to the Christian aspiration of salvation Nemesius follows Platonic tradition and claims the self-sufficiency, pre-existence and independence of the human soul, whose connection to the body is but a matter of disposition and relation. He also submits to the teleological Peripatetic-Galenic logic when arguing that the human rational soul is bound to the body by a task of guiding the body-soul compound of the human being towards immortality. He even accepts that due to the unconfused union between the soul and the body, the former can in some cases experience certain change especially if it gives too much license to the bodily desires. This vacillation between the determinism of the bodily constraints and the freedom of the incorporeal rational soul lead Nemesius to contemplate the free will and providence. Streck traced his thoughts on this matter to Aristotle and his concept of the power of choice. I'm going to shift this view by focusing instead on the Aristotelian notion of phronēsis and Galenic physiological understanding ofsympatheia(sc. between the soul and the body), which procure the proper condition for the soul's teaching the body and being taught by it.
Raúl Villegas Marín: The Traps of the Heresiological Discourse: “Pelagianism” in the British and Irish Sources
References to Pelagianism in sources from, or relating to, late antique and early medieval Britain -ranging from Prosper of Aquitaine’s Chronicle (430s) to Rhigyfarch’s Life of David (late 11th century) and Jocelin of Furness’ Life of Kentigern (late 12th century)-, as well as the use of Pelagius’ Expositions of Thirteen Epistles of Paul by Irish writers, have led some scholars to talk about the “Pelagian influence” on the 5th to early 7th centuries “Celtic churches” from Britain and Ireland. Nevertheless, leaving aside the vexed questionof the “Celtic Christianity”, the notion of a “Pelagian influence” on the British and Irish churches also raises problems: what did this influence consist of? Did “Pelagianism / Pelagian” mean the same to all the authors who made use of this heresiological label, from Prosper to Jocelin? This communication aims at providing a relational and contextual approach to the uses of “Pelagianism” by these authors.
The article deals with two versions of the old Georgian Psalter Catenae: a. Interpretation of the Psalms (თარგმანებაჲ ფსალმუნთაჲ), which was written in 1080 by a Georgian translator, philologist and exegete Ephrem Mcire. The work contains 1-75 Psalms. The earliest manuscript is dated to 1091 and contains a detailed introduction (წინაბჭე - prooímion), which is a medieval Georgian projection of biblical philology and follows the scheme of Ammonios. In this introduction, Ephrem Mcire presents bibliographic information about the original work and its Georgian translation, the place and time of translation, the purpose and usefulness o f the book, a table of contents, a glossary, a brief review about the authors and their practices – in short, all elements of Georgian colophons have their respective functions and were dealt with in the introduction of a text since the Alexandrian period (cf. o™ skopòv, tò cræsimon, tò gnæsion, h™ táxiv tñv anagnåsewv, h™ ai¬tía tñv e¬pigrafñv, h™ ei¬v tà kefálaia diaíresiv kaì u™pò poîon méro¬v a¬nágetai tò paròn súggrama). b. The short version Psalter Catenae from the 12th century (ფსალმუნთა გამოკრებული თარგმანება) compiled by an unknown Georgian author through the selection of various Greek and Georgian sources. In comments the Georgian author speaks about his work – how he selected the commentary from various sources, what difficulties he faced in translating specific textual passages, what the peculiarities of Georgian and Greek languages are and why one should not change even a single word in the translation of biblical books.
In Book Five of the Adversus Haereses, Irenaeus of Lyon quotes Ignatius of Antioch without naming him. Irenaeus refers to the coming millennium when the wheat will be separated from the chaff. The coming tribulation, Irenaeus explains, is for the benefit of the wheat because they will be prepared for the banquet of God. “As a certain man of ours said when he was condemned to the wild beasts because of his testimony with respect to God: ‘I am the wheat of Christ, and am ground by the teeth of wild beasts, that I may be found the pure bread of God” (AH 5.18.4, quoting Rom. 4.1). In an apocalyptic and eschatological moment in his own writing, Irenaeus quotes an apocalyptic and eschatological moment in one of Ignatius’s letters. And within what we might call an apocalyptic and eschatological horizon, Irenaeus and Ignatius understand themselves in light of sacrifice. For Ignatius, as for Irenaeus, the heart of Christian discipleship is to sacrifice oneself as Christ did. The Eucharist offers this sacrifice to the Christian, and the Christian, though a life of faith and love lives out that sacrifice.In the following article, I want to use Irenaeus’s quotation of Ignatius as an entryway to examine Ignatius on faith, love, and sacrifice. This, in turn, will help us understand Irenaeus’s quotation of Ignatius in Book Five. We will see that Irenaeus draws on Ignatius for his understanding of the Eucharist.
Lactantius’ Divine Institutes1 is an essential source for the fragments of Euhemerus in the Latin version of Quintus Ennius. Lactantius’ description of the gods as mortal kings deified after their deaths rests not just on his knowledge of Ennius’ Sacra Historia, but, still more, on the Classical author most essential to Lactantius’ own intellectual project: Cicero. Against much modern scholarship, this paper will argue that it is this Ciceronian heritage, and not the place of Jupiter and Hercules in Tetrarchic propaganda, that governs Lactantius’ theological polemic. At the beginning of his account of the gods’ lives and doings, Lactantius makes a cryptic reference to Hercules, the prototypical deified mortal, as “like an Africanus among the gods” (Div. Inst. 1.9.1). The phrase gestures to the central role of the two great Scipios in Cicero’s own experiments with divinization in De re publica. This paper will trace Ciceronian themes throughout Lactantius’ ‘Euhemerist’ account of the gods, concluding with the return to Hercules and Scipio in Div. Inst.1.19. Here Lactantius, in a striking reversal, takes Scipio as a model for a corrupt “royal virtus” that destroys the human race through violence; Ennius features again, through his famous epigram on Africanus’s immortalization, which Cicero had quoted in De re publica. Reinterpreted through Christian eyes, the most influential Latin religious theorist, Cicero, undermines the civic religion his De natura deorumhad sought to defend.
Samuel Pomeroy: Epitomizing in Sixth-century Gaza: Shared Exegetical Traditions in the ‘Palestinian’ Catena on Ps 118 and the Epitome of Procopius
The best witnesses to the original catena of Ps 118 (K–L Type XI) suggest that this catenist worked with a methodology identical to that of Procopius of Gaza, namely the epitomizing of diverse sources into a ‘mutliple stage’ interpretation of the biblical text (Harl, I: 18–9; 39; cf. Devreesse; Richard). Apart from shared methodology, how this catena relates to its ‘Palestinian’ provenance has not been the subject of much discussion.From the limited perspective of Ps 118 (SC 189, ed. Harl) and Ecl. Gen. (GCSnF 22, ed. Metzler), I argue that the Palestinian Catenist and Procopius shared specific emphases in their conception of a spiritually attuned reading of the bible.After an introduction of the texts and their contexts (cf. Downey; Champion), I examine how the two epitomizers exploited a series of binary metaphors based on the same biblical texts: light and darkness, door and path, expansion and restriction, dew or frost and heat, day/truth and darkness/error, progression and yearning , body and soul.A crop of key terms emerges: ἀδολεσχῆσαι, δρόσος, στενοχωρία, προκόπτειν, ἡμέρα, etc. Bringing to the fore sources which expound the spiritual sense of these terms in similar ways (e.g.ἀδολεσχῆσαι = conversation with God; 118,15–Jn 14,6–Gn 24,63)), our two epitomizers develop their particular spiritual pedagogies. The physiognomies and overall directions of their exegesis go in slightly different directions. Yet, identifying these shared understandings contributes to outlining the salient exegetical features of the context from which our earliest Ps 118 catena witnesses derives.