The reception of Augustine by American seminary professors saw some
dramatic shifts between the early nineteenth to the early twentieth
centuries. From a strong endorsement of Augustine’s theories of
original sin, predestination, and damnation of the unbaptized by
Princeton Theological professor Samuel Miller in the early and
mid-nineteenth century, confidence in these doctrines eroded.
Subsequent professors at Union Theological Seminary (Henry Boynton
Smith; Philip Schaff; Arthur Cushman McGiffert) and Harvard Divinity
School (George LaPiana) attacked Augustine’s sanctioning the use of
coercion against the Donatists, his neglect of public and social ethics,
his downplaying the role of the human will in the Pelagian controversy,
and his high ecclesiology that had led to unfortunate tactics on the
part of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century popes. By 1917,
McGiffert at Union Seminary could respond to an inquirer that there was
perhaps one professor in America who still believed in Augustine’s
theory of predestination: Benjamin B. Warfield at Princeton. The
sharper critique of Augustine was supported by newer views of God’s
benevolence, human nature, and individual liberty.
Wednesday, 6 May 2015
Joan Hart-Hasler: Bede’s Use of Textual Criticism in his Exegesis: The Retractatio in Actus Apostolorum
Late in life, following the lead of St Augustine, Bede wrote his
second commentary on Acts, calling it the ‘Retraction’. Bede’s Retractatio in Actus Apostolorum
is a work of exegesis, but not of the kind one usually encounters in a
medieval interpretation of a biblical book. In its preface, Bede,
alluding to his earlier commentary, says “I will now write on the same
volume [Acts] a little book of reconsideration, desiring
especially to add to what had been less well said or to correct what
seems to have been improperly said. I have also taken care to note
certain things in the Greek which have been set down differently, or
with more or fewer words.” The Retractatio’s avowed intention is
to correct errors in the biblical text and misunderstandings of its
meaning that Bede had discovered while working with various texts of
Bibles, both Latin and Greek. Bede’s work, however, is not a list of errata
but a commentary, endeavoring to uncover through the specific
differences of words the genuine and full meaning of the early
experience of the Apostles.
My paper will illustrate how Bede utilizes the variations in
different biblical texts, both Latin and Greek, to develop an exegesis
of Acts that relies on a form of internal textual criticism for its
understanding of the text it interprets.
Francine Cardman: Augustine Preaching Charity and Poverty: The Beatitudes
This paper examines an emerging shift in Augustine’s preaching of the
work of charity, as it relates to poverty and almsgiving, in his
commentary on The Lord’s Sermon on the Mount in 394 and a group of sermones ad populum
from around 410-416. It compares his commentary on the Beatitudes in
Book 1, which he characterizes as being about mercy, with sermons from
the 410s, particularly sermons 53 and 53/A, explicitly on the
Beatitudes, and related sermons, including four on the Lord’s prayer
(56-59) and several others on isolated verses. In analyzing in these
works, I give primary attention to the examples and motivations
Augustine appeals to in explicating Mt 5:7 (the merciful), 5:1 (the
poor in spirit), and 5:8 (those who hunger and thirst for
justice/righteousness). When Augustine steps aside from his critique of
the Donatists’ false charity and good works, on the one hand, and the
formality of his structural analysis of the beatitudes and the seven
gifts of the Holy Spirit, on the other, he opens a space for considering
more material works of mercy in loving one’s neighbor. I argue that,
in conjunction with his use of related Matthaean texts, we can see in
these sermons from around 410 to 416 the beginnings of a larger shift in
Augustine’s preaching of mercy that will become prominent in the last
decade of his life.
Julia Beier: Sin as a Structural Principle of Alcimus Ecdicius Avitus' De spiritalis historiae gestis
Bishop Avitus of Vienne is one of the great authors of the biblical
epic genre in Late Antiquity. His epos De spiritalis historiae gestis
consists of five books. Until now, there are only unsufficient models in
the science regarding the coherence between these, because most of the
papers and researches are only based on philological items without
focussing on the conception of the complete work and its theology. This
being one of the reasons why this epos is often poorly evaluated.
However, the connection between the books is provided by the alternation
of 'sin stories' and 'order stories'. Thus, my working assumption is
that in a very paradoxical way the elimination of order by the sin is
the structural principle of the epos. In my contribution I would like to
show that the epos is a poem about the good and the bad, probably in
the tradition of Augustine. Therefore, just like the church father, the
epic poem illustrates that the good cannot exist without the bad and,
even further, that the malum has a regulatory effect within the
cosmology.
Volker Henning Drecoll: Augustine's Letter 184A
Augustine’s letter ep. 184A, transmitted only in one manuscript, is an
important witness to the complexe situation of Augustine in 417/418. The
paper aims to show how Augustine uses anti-Pelagian and anti-pagan
strategies in order to convince the (otherwise unknown) addressees of
his own theology. For the anti-Pelagian topics a set of standard
arguments is introduced that was developed in the years 416/417 in the
Anti-Pelagian controversy and can be compared with sermons and other
letters. Against the pagans, the letter refers to the first eleven books
of De civitate dei. The paper will raise the question how these two
fields fit each other. In preparation of a philological and historical
commentary the methodological problems of such a commentary will be
discussed.
Peter Toth: The Questions of Pseudo-Justin: New Manuscripts, New Texts and a New Author?
The collection of some 150 chapters, originally entitled as Answers to the Orthodox faithful (QRO)
and attributed to Justin the Martyr, is one of the earliest Christian
representatives of the Late Antique genre of
question-and-answer literature. The importance of the work stands in
that it is the first known example of a new patristic type of
erotapokriseis which constitute an encyclopedic collection of all
available secular and religious knowledge of the time.
The paper presents a survey of my latest research on the manuscript tradition of the work, resulting in the discovery of two new witnesses. These manuscripts, one from the early tenth and another from the thirteenth century, contain not only some portions of the QRO, but also two hitherto unknown and unedited series of questions and answers that seem to represent new items of the Pseudo-Justinian corpus.
In the second part of my paper I will present a closer study of these new texts, a collection of cosmological erotapokriseis and a series of Christological aporiae. A deeper analysis of the philosophical terminology of the first text with its explicit quotations from Aristotle and Julian's Contra Galilaeos, sheds new light on the philosophical background of Pseudo-Justin. While the further examination of the Christology and textual transmission of the second work, which also seems to be connected to the QRO, may help us to shed new light on the date and identity the mysterious author hiding behind the name of Justin the Martyr and Philosopher.
The paper presents a survey of my latest research on the manuscript tradition of the work, resulting in the discovery of two new witnesses. These manuscripts, one from the early tenth and another from the thirteenth century, contain not only some portions of the QRO, but also two hitherto unknown and unedited series of questions and answers that seem to represent new items of the Pseudo-Justinian corpus.
In the second part of my paper I will present a closer study of these new texts, a collection of cosmological erotapokriseis and a series of Christological aporiae. A deeper analysis of the philosophical terminology of the first text with its explicit quotations from Aristotle and Julian's Contra Galilaeos, sheds new light on the philosophical background of Pseudo-Justin. While the further examination of the Christology and textual transmission of the second work, which also seems to be connected to the QRO, may help us to shed new light on the date and identity the mysterious author hiding behind the name of Justin the Martyr and Philosopher.
Marius A. van Willigen: Why did Augustine change his perspective on baptism?
The sacrament of Holy Baptism was an initiation rite for every new
Christian in early Christianity. Many baptisteries were built as
invaluable testimonies of this initiation-rite at the end of the fourth
century. At the same time however, this initiation-rite was seriously
threatened by a devastating lack of interest for baptism in general.
Many Christians listened to the exposition of the Bible, without wishing
to be baptized. Receiving the initiation-rite of baptism seemed to
thoroughly change in this period. Baptism was retarded until death. To
receive baptism appeared to be equal to getting a passport to heaven.
Christians decided en masse to be baptized just prior to death.
It was the Church Father Augustine who had considered this a dangerous turn of events. He did not forbid the practice of adult-baptism, but simultaneously encouraged infant baptism.
What was his motivation for this? Was he afraid of depriving Christians of their privilege to choose for adult-baptism, or did he stimulate parents to baptize their children deliberately? What was his theological reflection on this subject and what was his motivation to change practice of baptism?The paper will explain Augustine's motivation to promote infant baptism along with Ambrose' and Origen's reflections on infant baptism. The continual theological reflection on baptism in relation to original sin will be mapped out, starting with Origen and ending with Augustine.
It was the Church Father Augustine who had considered this a dangerous turn of events. He did not forbid the practice of adult-baptism, but simultaneously encouraged infant baptism.
What was his motivation for this? Was he afraid of depriving Christians of their privilege to choose for adult-baptism, or did he stimulate parents to baptize their children deliberately? What was his theological reflection on this subject and what was his motivation to change practice of baptism?The paper will explain Augustine's motivation to promote infant baptism along with Ambrose' and Origen's reflections on infant baptism. The continual theological reflection on baptism in relation to original sin will be mapped out, starting with Origen and ending with Augustine.
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