The preservation
of most of the Post-Sanctus in the fragmentary sixth-century anaphora, in
relation to which some preliminary questions were addressed in my paper at the
last Patristics Conference (published in SP 64, 2013, 105-9), makes possible a
comparative study of this section in all four extant East Syrian anaphoras.
This paper offers a comparison of the contents of each Post-Sanctus, and
examines significant areas of agreement, as well as features which are unique
to and distinctive of each anaphora. A few suggestive parallels in West Syrian
anaphoras are also noted.
Showing posts with label 2015G. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 2015G. Show all posts
Saturday, 27 June 2015
Friday, 8 May 2015
Aza Goudriaan: Nicaea: Origin of the Decline of Christianity? Early Modern anti-Trinitarian Historiography and the Protestant Response
Early modern anti-trinitarians, such as Michael Servet and Christian
Francken, criticized the Council of Nicaea (325) for having introduced
Trinitarian dogma and, therefore, initiated the decay of Christianity.
In this perspective, pre-Nicene theology provided a cradle and
confirmation for anti-trinitarian theology. This theological
historiography and its rebuttal by Protestants such as Franciscus Junius
and Amandus Polanus involved the construction of competing patristic
arguments. Several of these arguments are analyzed in this paper.
Carl Griffin: Vessel of Wrath: Judas Iscariot in Cyrillona
The character of Judas features in three Syriac poems by Cyrillona
(fl. 399) on the Last Supper and Last Discourse of Jesus. This paper
explores the role that Cyrillona creates for Judas as a shocking example
of Christ-betrayal, as an antitype of Jesus and the faithful disciples,
and as an agent of Jewish intrigue. Judas's dramatic and symbolic
potential is cultivated to propel the narrative, but Cyrillona also
reveals distinctive exegetical and theological interests in his
consideration of the washing of the feet, the giving of the sop, and
Judas's departure from the Cenacle. While tracing the lines of reception
that connect Cyrillona with earlier Syriac tradition, I also consider
ways in which Cyrillona prefigures later dramatizations of Judas.
Camille Gerzaguet: Preaching in Northern Italy (360-450) : A Pedagogy of Faith
As far as Italy is concerned, several
collections of sermons of the IVth and Vth
centuries have been kept. Among them, the sermons of Zeno of Verona,
Gaudentius of Brescia, Chromatius of Aquileia, Maximus of Turin,
Peter Chrysologus (for Ambrose of Milan, Explanationes in XII
palmos and De sacramentis are concerned) provide a
consistent and coherent set of a geographically and culturally
bounded area. The paper shall consider the role of sermons over the
period from the 360s to the 450s in Northern Italy in a twofold
perspective. It is actually about understanding the extent to which
preaching, as a major driver of faith, served as a means of unifying
and spreading the ecclesia. It is also about analyzing how
preaching was also used to categorize individuals according to their
degree of spiritual advancement by creating some boundaries inside
the community. Becoming Christian in Late Antiquity implied to follow
a spiritual progression which could be enlighted by the study of
preaching. As rallying as splitting point, the sermon established the
place of the faithful in Church. From a liturgical point of view, I
will focus then on the lectures that were marked out for some of
these status, especially catechumeni, competentes,
neophyti (for example, the lifes of the Patriarchs were read
to the competentes in Milan), and on the exegetical discourse,
spiritual or moral, that was related to these lectures. Such an
analysis on sermons must also include a sociological approach.
Therefore, it will highlight the variety and composition of
audiences: was it really a selection that came to worship (MacMullen
1989) ? Did that make a difference preaching in a small town or
in an imperial capital ? Finally, the interactions between preachers
and audiences (adresses, questions etc.) will be analyzed from
a pastoral point view. The whole approach should help to understand
how the process of becoming Christian was anchored in a pedagogy of
faith.
Thursday, 7 May 2015
Susan Griffith: Apostolic authority and the ‘incident at Antioch’: Chrysostom on Galatians 2:11-14
Paul’s confrontation of Peter in Antioch, as related in Galatians
2:11-14, caused much consternation for the exegetes of the early church.
Controversy over how these two foundational apostles could clash
produced multiple divergent theories, and even provided fodder for pagan
critics. Chrysostom’s interpretation of the passage is often
incorrectly lumped with that of other fathers. This paper looks closely
at Chrysostom’s elaborate explanation in his occasional homily on the
pericope (In illud: In faciem ei restiti), and compares this to the exegesis found in his better-known sermon series on Galatians (In epistulam ad Galatas commentarius).
Chrysostom’s interpretations are placed in the context of other
patristic and pagan understandings and deployments of the Pauline text,
as well as the history of the development of concepts of authority in
the early church.
Sunday, 3 May 2015
Zachary Guiliano: The sermons of Pseudo-Maximus of Turin: authenticity, transmission, and theology
In late antiquity and in the Middle Ages, hundreds of sermons were
attributed to the fourth-century preaching bishop, Maximus of Turin. The
authenticity of these sermons has been contested since the early modern
period, culminating in the mid-twentieth century with the critical
essays and, ultimately, CCSL edition of Almut Mutzenbecher, which has
been the basis of research ever since. The manuscript basis of
Mutzenbecher's work, however, is questionable and based on a faulty
assessment of several early witnesses to the work of Maximus. Her
criteria for excluding certain sermons also needs re-examining. This
paper will return to the sermons that Mutzenbecher deemed
pseudepigraphal, examining their transmission in various manuscripts
(especially homiliary manuscripts) and their theological character,
before offering some initial attributions and explanations for their
origin.
Ian Gerdon: The Evagrian Roots of Maximus the Confessor's Liber Asceticus
As yet, only one alternative has been posed to Polycarp Sherwood's dating of Maximus the Confessor's Liber Asceticus
(LA) to the earliest strata of his writings (i.e., by 626 CE):
Irénée-Henri Dalmais's suggestion that the work's Christological and
Scriptural maturity indicates a late composition. Dalmais's eloquent
praise for LA is widely cited; his proposed date is not. Yet no attempt
has been made to refute his argument, despite the insight and
clarification to be gained from such an attempt.
I will use Dalmais's position as a point of departure for reconsidering the relationship between Maximus and his monastic predecessor Evagrius Ponticus. In order to stress the maturity of LA, Dalmais attempts to disentangle the work from the deep Evagrian influence found in the undisputedly early text Capita de Caritate, which appears to be a companion to LA. I will show on the contrary that LA is founded on ideas drawn from Evagrius's Thoughts and Praktikos. It is precisely Maximus's remarkable Christological grounding for asceticism that clearly shows his debt to Evagrius, for the two motifs that give Christological meaning to the double love commandment in LA are found in Thoughts 1 and Praktikos 5. Maximus does not simply give a new orientation to Evagrian material, as Dalmais states: he develops an implicit possibility of Evagrian asceticism and Christology. From this vantage, it will be possible to refine our understanding of the continuity and development of Evagrian thought in Maximus's early ascetic works.
I will use Dalmais's position as a point of departure for reconsidering the relationship between Maximus and his monastic predecessor Evagrius Ponticus. In order to stress the maturity of LA, Dalmais attempts to disentangle the work from the deep Evagrian influence found in the undisputedly early text Capita de Caritate, which appears to be a companion to LA. I will show on the contrary that LA is founded on ideas drawn from Evagrius's Thoughts and Praktikos. It is precisely Maximus's remarkable Christological grounding for asceticism that clearly shows his debt to Evagrius, for the two motifs that give Christological meaning to the double love commandment in LA are found in Thoughts 1 and Praktikos 5. Maximus does not simply give a new orientation to Evagrian material, as Dalmais states: he develops an implicit possibility of Evagrian asceticism and Christology. From this vantage, it will be possible to refine our understanding of the continuity and development of Evagrian thought in Maximus's early ascetic works.
Mihai Grigoras: Theophany at Maximus the Confessor and Johannes Scotus Eriugena
The aim of this paper is to compare the concept of theophany (i.e.
the divine manifestation) at Maximus the Confessor and Johannes Scotus
Eriugena. Maximus, in Ambigua ad Johannem, and Eriugena, in Periphyseon,
show that God reveals Himself in both invisible and visible realities
of the universe (which have their cause and purpose in Him) and allows
them to participate in Him, during the ascendant process of reversion
towards the divine unifying simplicity. In developing their doctrines,
both authors point out two major stages: the descendant of Godhead
towards human beings (I will refer here only to them, although it is
known that angels are also receivers of the divine manifestation) and
the ascension of human beings towards God. This bivalent process depends
on a sum of moral and intellectual conditions that human beings need to
accomplish in order to be able to contemplate God throughout the
creation. Here comes out one of the main differences between Maximus and
Eriugena: while the former emphasizes the practical life and the
struggle against sins as a starting point towards gaining knowledge,
hence the possibility of seeing God in creation, the latter seems to
pass cursory over the purgatio, and to treat quite straightly the
illuminatio and the deificatio. An explanation for the Eriugenian
highlight on the intellectual struggle instead of the ascetic one (more
specific to Maximus) must come from the different monastic traditions
(Western comparing to Eastern) and from the historical context in which
the two authors wrote their works.
Justus Ghormley: Gratitude: A Panacea for the Passions in John Chrysostom's Commentary on the Psalms
In recent decades, scholars have increasingly appreciated the
cognitive dimension of emotions. Classicists point to Greek
writers-from Aristotle to Plutarch-for whom the emotions were
"responsive to cognitive modification" (Nussbaum 1996, 78). Early Greek
Christian thinkers-including John Chrysostom-who were reared within a
Greek philosophical milieu, took such an understanding of the emotions
for granted in their exegesis of Christian scripture and in their
articulation of the moral life. For Chrysostom, the emotion gratitude,
in particular, played a central role in the moral development of the
Christian. In his largely overlooked commentary on the Psalms, the
Antiochene preacher repeatedly flags the importance of thanksgiving in
the Christian's struggle against the passions, most especially avarice.
While avarice impedes individuals from enjoying the blessings
generously bestowed by the Christian God-the heavenly patron-gratitude
changes one's perception about reality so that one may enjoy the
benefits of life even in the midst of suffering. Through the
cultivation of gratitude, the Christian may rise above suffering and
escape from the pain inflicted by greed. Given the importance of
gratefulness in overcoming the passions-especially greed-Chrysostom
prescribes for his audience various therapeutic mental exercises
designed to foster gratitude. By turning one's attention to the marvels
and mercies of God manifested in creation and in salvation history, the
Christian will succeed in cultivating gratitude and thereby will
overcome the passions.
Nicole Guerriero: Examining the tension between Philosophy and Theology in the Soul’s Journey towards Salvation, in the works of Saint Augustine
This short communication is part of a larger project concerning Saint Augustine’s treatment of the soul, focusing on The Homilies on the Gospel of John and Exposition of the Psalms.
This study explores Augustine’s identification of the soul, not only as
humanity’s link to the divine, but also as the key to humanity’s
salvation, with the hope of contributing to our understanding of
Augustine’s soteriology and Christology, given the centrality of the
soul to these areas of thought in his works. This communication will
focus on the role of the philosopher in the ascent of the soul, as
described through Augustine’s use of two seemingly separate images. The
first is the ascender, found in The Exposition of the Psalms, focussing on his exposition of Psalms 119-121, and the second is the navigator from The Homilies on the Gospel of John.
This critical approach suggests that when examined together, these
images expose a tension between the role of philosophy and theology in
the soul’s journey towards salvation. With the ascender and the
navigator, knowing which mountain serves as the example and which leads
to their destruction, is essential to a truly salvific ascent.
Augustine’s hermeneutics holds the key to understanding the link between
these texts, thereby providing the foundation for a unique approach to
understanding the role of the soul in the works of Saint Augustine as a
whole.
Maya Goldberg: New Syriac Edition and Translation of Theodore of Mopsuestia’s Exegesis on Paul’s Minor Epistles
The ms. (olim) Diyarbakir 22, a rich Syriac hybrid of
commentaries on the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament, has remained,
for the most part, an untapped primary source for the study of Theodore
of Mopsuestia’s exegesis and theology.
My current project, also involving significant coopration from Dr Emiliano Fiori, is the preparation of the first edition, translation and analysis of the commentary on four of Paul’s Epistles extant in the ms.—Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians and Colossians—which to a large extent relies on Theodore’s exegesis, translated into the Syriac directly from the Greek.
The central element of the project is a detailed and critical comparison of the Theodorian segments in the ms. with the Latin translation of Theodore’s complete commentary on the Minor Epistles, as well as with the very few surviving original Greek fragments (both edited by Henry B. Swete). An additional advantage to the comparison with the Latin is the identification of Theodore-inspired segments representing the reworking and reception of his commentary by later East-Syrian exegetes, such as Isho‛ bar Nun and Theodore bar Koni, who were heavily influenced by the great Interpreter. The remainder of the commentary is extracted from Isho‛dad of Merv’s work on the Minor Epistles, and in the published volume will be juxtaposed with a first Syriac edition of his commentary as it appears in sections from the Gannat Busame.
My current project, also involving significant coopration from Dr Emiliano Fiori, is the preparation of the first edition, translation and analysis of the commentary on four of Paul’s Epistles extant in the ms.—Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians and Colossians—which to a large extent relies on Theodore’s exegesis, translated into the Syriac directly from the Greek.
The central element of the project is a detailed and critical comparison of the Theodorian segments in the ms. with the Latin translation of Theodore’s complete commentary on the Minor Epistles, as well as with the very few surviving original Greek fragments (both edited by Henry B. Swete). An additional advantage to the comparison with the Latin is the identification of Theodore-inspired segments representing the reworking and reception of his commentary by later East-Syrian exegetes, such as Isho‛ bar Nun and Theodore bar Koni, who were heavily influenced by the great Interpreter. The remainder of the commentary is extracted from Isho‛dad of Merv’s work on the Minor Epistles, and in the published volume will be juxtaposed with a first Syriac edition of his commentary as it appears in sections from the Gannat Busame.
Maria Giulia Genghini: “Go, sit in your cell, and your cell will teach you everything” (AP Moses 6): how the physical environment shaped the spirituality of early Egyptian monasticism
The following study proposes a re-evaluation of literary sources about Early Egyptian Monasticism, in particular The Life of Anthony by Athanasius and Palladius’ Lausiac History, in
light of the archaeological and documentary evidences discovered about
Egypt during the 1980s but only recently taken into account in the
scholarly debate. The paper focuses specifically on the geography of the
cell in which the first Egyptian monks trained themselves into ascetic
practice. The leading question is whether or not the spatiality of the
cell should be considered to have a transformative effect on the
spirituality of the different ascetic movements. First, I am going to
explore the notion of “desert” in the making of early Egyptian ascetic
saints as revealed by The Life of Anthony. Secondly, I will argue
that a more attentive use of literary sources can shed new light upon
the use of space in Early Egyptian monasticism as long as we commit
ourselves to read these sources with the help of documentary and
archaeological evidences. This section will focus primarily on the Lausiac History
as an example of such re-reading. Lastly, I will examine the new
portrait of early monasticism and try to point out some of the peculiar
aspects of ancient asceticism as they appear from the spatial analysis
of the monk in his cell. In particular, I will argue that the supposedly
intimate space of the cell has, in fact, been fundamental in shaping
the relations between the first monks and the surrounding ecclesiastical
and imperial environment.
Saturday, 2 May 2015
Christa Gray: Whose story? Approaching sources and narrators in Jerome's Lives of desert saints
There is currently an emerging interest among scholars in applying
sophisticated literary methods to hagiographical writings in order to
gain a deeper understanding of the texts and their cultural role. Among
these approaches is the use of narratology. I propose to investigate the
narrator of Jerome's three Lives, the Vitae Pauli, Malchi, and Hilarionis,
through an analysis of the narrator's attitudes and emotions, both
those expressed in the narrator's own voice and those implicit in the
narrative structures of the texts. I shall also consider the sources
from which the narrator claims to have the information recounted in the
text, and outlines the ways in which those sources may have been
adapted.
In the course of such an analysis it becomes clear that the narrating voices are far from stable and reliable, and that they vary dramatically across the three Lives. Whereas large parts of the Vitae Pauli and Malchi are focalised through the linear experience of a prominent protagonist, Antony and Malchus respectively, the Vita Hilarionis comes closest to a biography in the Plutarchan tradition. The narrator wants to give a full and objective picture of the subject's life. The structure varies between chronological progression and episodic anecdotes which are probably sourced in the main from Hilarion's disciples. This complexity makes it harder to draw a-priori conclusions about the narrator; but here a comparison with the other two Lives allows readers to contextualise individual phrases and statements with regard to their ideological and affective connotations.
In the course of such an analysis it becomes clear that the narrating voices are far from stable and reliable, and that they vary dramatically across the three Lives. Whereas large parts of the Vitae Pauli and Malchi are focalised through the linear experience of a prominent protagonist, Antony and Malchus respectively, the Vita Hilarionis comes closest to a biography in the Plutarchan tradition. The narrator wants to give a full and objective picture of the subject's life. The structure varies between chronological progression and episodic anecdotes which are probably sourced in the main from Hilarion's disciples. This complexity makes it harder to draw a-priori conclusions about the narrator; but here a comparison with the other two Lives allows readers to contextualise individual phrases and statements with regard to their ideological and affective connotations.
Paschalis Gkortsilas: The Lives of Others: Pagan and Christian role models in John Chrysostom's thought
This paper's intention is to present the prominent role of pagan and
Christian figures as archetypes of vices and virtues in the writings of
John Chrysostom. In the broader context of Chrysostom’s reception of
Hellenism, the martyrs and the saints play a prominent role, serving
both as role models and as living proofs of an emergent and victorious
Christianity. In his rhetoric, martyrdom becomes a very significant
point of divergence from Hellenism, precisely because, according to
John, the Hellenes cannot claim any martyrs for their religion. During
his time there were many points of contention between pagans and
Christians. What we will try to attempt is a preliminary effort to
collect and analyse this material, while at the same time trying to
contextualise it within the larger context of John's reception of
Hellenism. While the lives of the apostles and martyrs are sometimes the
object of comparison with the lives of philosophers, these bioi are
primarily used as exemplifications of contrasts that John sees as
characteristics of Christianity and paganism. These include the
antithesis between syllogisms and pistis, the effectiveness of each
religion's persuasion, and the attitude of believers under persecution.
Finally, the theme of usefulness also appears often in John's
comparisons, and one of his major arguments against the most eminent
philosophers of Hellenism is that their lives (in some cases) and
theories (in other cases) were ultimately worthless, because they either
served no purpose at all or plainly failed.
Friday, 1 May 2015
Patricia Grosse: Augustine’s Two Flights and Our Two Cupidities: Loving Extension as Human Interaction
In his Confessions, Augustine describes two out-of-body
experiences that lead him to two different kinds of knowledges. His
first experience, cut short by the crushing weight of sexual habit,
leads him to a non-material understanding of divinity; his second
experience ends gently and prepares the way for his mother’s death. Both
of these readings seem to align with readings of Augustine as one who
sees soul and mind as separate from flesh and yearning for the divine.
Augustine’s account of love as double, as bifurcated into quiet caritas and wild concupiscentia seems
to support this claim as well. Does proper transformation of “Fallen”
flesh to “Resurrected” flesh lend itself into a world without
concupiscence?
In this paper, I will explore the interrelation between ecstatic vision and earthly love in Augustine. In Part One, I will offer an analysis of Augustine’s Neoplatonic vision in Confessions VII with reference to his account of uncontrollable cupidity as a result of the Fall. In Part Two, I will read Augustine’s account in Book IX of his vision with his mother alongside the possibility of the transformation of cupidity. Augustine’s two cupidities offer not only a transformative possibility in time or out of time, but an understanding of human being that is bodied and socially extended through love. Augustine is no immaterialist denouncer of the flesh: the perfection of human love at the time of resurrection (or through the grace of God in this world) does not involve the destruction of concupiscence, but its transformation.
In this paper, I will explore the interrelation between ecstatic vision and earthly love in Augustine. In Part One, I will offer an analysis of Augustine’s Neoplatonic vision in Confessions VII with reference to his account of uncontrollable cupidity as a result of the Fall. In Part Two, I will read Augustine’s account in Book IX of his vision with his mother alongside the possibility of the transformation of cupidity. Augustine’s two cupidities offer not only a transformative possibility in time or out of time, but an understanding of human being that is bodied and socially extended through love. Augustine is no immaterialist denouncer of the flesh: the perfection of human love at the time of resurrection (or through the grace of God in this world) does not involve the destruction of concupiscence, but its transformation.
Thursday, 30 April 2015
Caroline Goodson: Materiality and Monastic Observance: Vegetable Gardening in Late Antique Italy
Among the many changes to life in late antique Italy was the rise in
town houses which included productive food gardens. Letters of Pope
Gregory I describe several properties which were endowed with food
gardens in order to the support the religious households located in the
middle of Rome, where they were unable -- or chose not -- to buy onions
and lettuces at market. These houses that Gregory’s letters describe
find echoes in other cities of Italy in the sixth century. Urban
gardening in late antiquity was not simply a by-product of a breakdown
in urban density and the disappearance of markets for everyday foods,
the widely recognised phenomenon of 'ruralisation' of the city. Two
intellectual elements also played roles in the phenomenon, lending it a
conceptual justification: the legacy of estate management and the value
of self-sufficiency for religious communities especially monastic ones
and — to a lesser degree — the value of the garden for medicinal
purposes and the developing role of religious households as places of
curing and sustenance. This paper will discuss the evidence for clerical
and monastic fruit and vegetable production in the cities of Italy,
evaluating the change in functions of the cities against other cases of
episcopal or monastic sponsorship of urban production.
Daniel Galadza: Studying Byzantine Prayer Books: Taxonomies of Prayers and Manuscripts
This paper presents an historical overview of the study of the Byzantine
prayer book—the Euchologion. The modern study of the Euchologion began
with Jacques Goar's (1601–1653) edition Euchologion, sive Rituale Graecorum... in 1647 and continued with Alexei Dmitrievskii's (1856–1929) Opisanie liturgicheskikh rukopisei..., vol. 2: Euchologia, published
in 1901. Since then, various taxonomies of the Euchologion have been
proposed by liturgiologists based on the liturgical environment where
the book was used [Miguel Arranz (1930–2008)], the textual recensions of
its liturgies and prayers [André Jacob (b. 1933)], and the regional
provenance of Euchologion manuscripts [Stefano Parenti (b. 1959)], to
name a few. These taxonomies are presented and analyzed in order to
understand the current state of research, propose classifications of
Euchologia prayers and manuscripts, and indicate questions and
desiderata for further research.
Wednesday, 29 April 2015
David Greenwood: Early Christian Liturgy through Others' Eyes from Pliny to AmmianusEarly Christian Liturgy through Others' Eyes from Pliny to Ammianus
This paper will examine evidence regarding Christian liturgy from
non-Christian sources ranging from Pliny to Ammianus Marcellinus. I will
analyse their attestations regarding both their comprehension of
Christian liturgy and the historical significance of their interaction
with it.
Saturday, 11 April 2015
Christopher Graham: The Form-giving Meaning of Way-language in Irenaeus's Epideixis
This paper will demonstrate the symbiotic relationship between the purpose and structure of Irenaeus's Epideixis and the meaning of way-language in that text. The tentative consensus has been that way-language
is used in the preface with some relationship to the so-called Two Ways
tradition. Scholars have neglected, however, to correlate its usage in
the preface with its usage through the rest of the work (Epid. 16; 41; 89; 98). An examination of its appearance throughout the text shows that Irenaeus employed way-language primarily as a means to connect the way of the reader with the way as
it is referred to in the narrative of Scripture from the expulsion (Gen
3:24) to the creation of the Church (Acts 9:2). This challenges not
only the contemporary interpretive consensus with regard to way-language
in the preface but also the regnant model of the text's rhetorical
form, that is, a bipartite structure employed to strengthen the reader's
faith through a demonstration of the legitimacy of the apostles'
teaching which is the object of the reader's faith. Instead, when
Irenaeus's stated purpose, "to demonstrate, by means of a summary, the
preaching of the truth, so as to strengthen your faith," is read with
this deliberate use of way-language in mind, the work emerges not
as a bi-fold argument for the objective content of the reader's faith
but as an affirmation of the subjective side of the reader's faith
through an elucidation of the origin of that faith.
Brian Gronewoller: Reading Homer, Reading God: Augustine's Hermeneutic of God's oeconomica dispositio in mor. 1.6.10-17.30
Over the past two decades scholars such as Robert Dodaro, Kathy Eden,
and Michael Cameron have called attention to the influence that
Augustine’s rhetorical education had on his exegetical method and
theological discourse. Recently, M. Cameron (2012) briefly engaged
Augustine’s incorporation of the concept of oeconomica dispositio with
his hermeneutical approach to both the Christian scriptures and the
created order. This paper builds upon Cameron’s work, arguing that
Augustine employed such a hermeneutic from the earliest years of his
Christian writing career, seen in his argumentation that supports his
redefinition of the cardinal virtues in mor. 1.15.25. I will make this argument in two movements. First, Augustine’s use of the terms disponere and dispensatio in
1.7.11, 1.16.27, and 1.17.30 combine to reveal that he viewed the
scriptures as written by a single, perfect author – the Trinitarian God.
I will show that this view of authorship freed Augustine to interpret a
constellation of disparate scriptural texts in 1.8.13 through 1.14.24
according to Quintilian’s mos Homericus, charitably reading all
pericopes as intentionally arranged by their author to best communicate
his or her message to the audience. Second, when brought into
conversation with Augustine’s theory of language, I will show that 1.16.27
and 1.6.10-7.11 reveal that Augustine also applied such a hermeneutic
to God’s authorship of the created order. This paper will contribute to
scholarship by demonstrating that Augustine incorporated the rhetorical
concept of oeconomica dispositio into his hermeneutical approach to scripture and creation from the beginning of his Christian writing career.
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